ALEXANDER HALE

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TX-07 deserves a representative who will fight for our energy companies - not subsidize inefficient competitors. I'll champion Houston's energy industry and protect the families that depend on it.

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Houston has one of the highest crime rates in America. I'll fight to secure Houston the federal resources needed to catch criminals, solve crimes, and empower local authorities to do their jobs well.

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Washington's spending addiction is crushing American families with inflation and fueling the national debt. I'll fight to cut wasteful spending and ensure your tax dollars aren't spent on failed programs.

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Defend Houston's role as the energy capital of America.

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TX-07 deserves a representative who will fight for our energy companies, protect the families that depend on them, and reject mandates that punish Houston workers.

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Fight federal mandates that hand jobs to foreign producers.

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Houston is the energy capital of the western world, and TX-07 is right at the center of it. The energy workers and engineering talents that power our country are not abstractions — these are the paychecks, the pensions, the small businesses, and the people that hold this district together. When Washington treats American energy as a problem or burden to be managed rather than an industry to be unleashed, the cost lands in Houston first: and on the families who watch their job security become a political bargaining chip. Alexander's first commitment in Congress is simple. Houston's energy economy (and specifically, CD7's energy economy) is not a liability to be apologized for. It is a national asset, and it will be defended and promoted like one.

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Restore order to Houston neighborhoods that have been left behind.

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That starts with the Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant program. Byrne JAG is the workhorse of federal-to-local law enforcement funding44Bureau of Justice Assistance, U.S. Department of Justice, Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant (JAG) Program — Byrne JAG is the leading source of federal justice funding to state and local jurisdictions, providing flexible form… — formula-based, flexible, and trusted by police chiefs and sheriffs across the country to pay for equipment, training, and personnel. Alexander will fight to restore full Byrne JAG funding and oppose any effort to condition those grants on the adoption of progressive policing mandates dressed up as reform. Federal money should support law enforcement, not be used as a lever to dictate operational decisions from Washington. The same principle applies to DOJ consent decrees: federal oversight has its place in cases of clear constitutional violations, but the wholesale use of consent decrees to impose political policing mandates on local departments has hamstrung law enforcement in cities across the country.55Charles Fain Lehman, Manhattan Institute, "Is the Chicago Consent Decree Working? Consent Decrees for Police Reform: The Chicago Experience" (July 2023) — finds that across measures from police killings to complaints against officers, th… Alexander will push back hard against that overreach.

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Houston sits at the nexus of Gulf Coast cartel logistics routes, which means federal resources for anti-gang, anti-cartel, and anti-trafficking task forces have an outsized impact here. Alexander will fight to expand FBI and DEA task force capacity in the Houston metro and push to designate the major Mexican drug cartels as Foreign Terrorist Organizations so that intelligence and law enforcement coordination can be brought to bear on the supply networks. Fentanyl killed more than 48,000 Americans in 2024 alone, with the synthetic opioid supply still overwhelmingly sourced from Mexican cartel networks using precursors trafficked through the Southern border. It deserves to be treated as the national crisis it is.

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Most importantly, Alexander will reject the policy framework that hollowed out American policing in the first place. No defund-adjacent legislation. No mandatory de-escalation standards that expose officers to liability for doing their jobs. No federal mandates that treat police departments as the problem rather than the solution. The men and women who put on a badge in Houston deserve the training, the equipment, the respect, and the legal protection to do the job — and they deserve a representative in Congress who has their back, on the record, every time. Alexander will be that representative.

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Alexander is a devout Christian who believes in limited federal government, market-based solutions, and the principles that have made America exceptional. He's committed to defending Houston's energy economy while addressing the real issues facing TX-07 families: affordability issues, rising healthcare costs, and public safety.

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Houston families are paying more for the things they cannot skip: a home, insurance, health care, and electricity. Alexander will go after the costs Washington actually controls.

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Your health care bill did not get this expensive by accident. Somebody built it this way. Alexander will put patients back in charge of the price.

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Every volunteer makes a difference. Whether you have an entire day or only a few minutes to spare, your support helps us reach voters across TX-07.

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Không được ủy quyền bởi bất kỳ ứng viên hoặc ủy ban ứng viên nào. Đóng góp không được khấu trừ thuế cho mục đích thuế thu nhập liên bang.

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Washington's spending addiction fuels inflation and debt. Alexander will fight to cut waste and protect taxpayers.

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Housing: Houston builds more housing than almost any big city in America because it never adopted the zoning codes that strangle supply elsewhere. Washington's job is to stop making that housing more expensive to build and finance. This summer Congress passed the 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act by lopsided bipartisan margins, and it became law on July 11.1111H.R. 6644, 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act, 119th Congress — Senate 85–5 (June 22, 2026), House 358–32 (June 23, 2026), became Pub. L. 119-101 on July 11, 2026 without presidential signature. Sec. 208 authorizes the Innovation Fund at u… That is a real accomplishment, and it is also unfinished: the law authorizes up to $200 million a year in grants for communities that actually increase housing supply, and appropriates nothing. Its final section says so. The money will be decided in the next appropriations bill, then written into rules at HUD, then awarded to the cities that apply. Alexander will fight for appropriations and press HUD to write the rules simply and quickly, so the program rewards regions like Houston that build rather than cities that block construction and then ask for federal help. And because mortgage rates track federal borrowing, every vote Alexander casts for a smaller deficit is a vote for a cheaper mortgage in Houston.

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Insurance: Houston has the highest homeowners insurance premiums of any major metro in Texas, averaging about $5,653 a year.1212Insurify analysis reported by the Houston Chronicle (April 11, 2026): Houston average homeowners premium $5,653 in 2025, highest of any major Texas metro; Texas average $4,380 in 2024, up 14 percent. The drivers are not mysterious: the 2021 freeze, the May 2024 derecho, Hurricane Beryl, and the rising cost of rebuilding.1313Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (2026): storm severity (February 2021 freeze, May 2024 Houston derecho) plus supply-chain and labor cost pressures. Congress cannot set insurance rates, and Alexander will not pretend otherwise; that is the Texas Department of Insurance's job. But Congress controls three things that move premiums. It controls the National Flood Insurance Program, which has been patched with 35 short-term extensions since 2017, lapsed outright during last fall's shutdown, and expires again on September 30; it needs a long-term reauthorization that rewards mitigation.1414Congressional Research Service, "What Happens If the National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP) Lapses?" (IN10835, February 6, 2026): 35 short-term reauthorizations enacted since the end of FY2017; current authorization expires September 30… It controls the Army Corps of Engineers budget that funds the flood-control projects protecting Brays and Buffalo bayous. And it controls the incentives for home-hardening: fortified roofs earn real premium discounts, Alabama's grant program has proven the model, and Governor Abbott has now proposed a $400 million version for Texas; Washington's job is to reinforce that work, not complicate it.1515Kinder Institute / Texas 2036 homeowners insurance report coverage (2026): the Texas House passed bipartisan roof-fortification grant legislation last session that died in the Senate, and Gov. Abbott announced a $400 million roof-fortifi…

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Health care: The average employer family health plan now costs nearly $27,000 a year, and most of that comes out of what would otherwise be wages.1616KFF, 2025 Employer Health Benefits Survey (October 22, 2025): average annual family premium $26,993, worker contribution $6,850, up 6 percent from 2024. This is the single largest reason paychecks feel smaller than they should: employers are paying more for workers every year, but a growing share goes to insurers, hospitals, and middlemen rather than to the worker. In February, Congress finally passed bipartisan reform of pharmacy benefit managers, requiring them to pass through 100 percent of drug rebates and ending compensation tied to list prices.1717Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2026, H.R. 7148, Pub. L. 119-75 (signed February 3, 2026): PBM reforms including delinking Part D compensation from list prices and 100 percent rebate pass-through for group health plans, effective 2028–2… Alexander will fight to see those rules implemented on time and extended. Next on the list: site-neutral payment, so Medicare pays the same price for the same service whether it is delivered in a doctor's office or a hospital-owned clinic across the parking lot; real enforcement of the hospital price transparency rules that took effect in 2021 and that many hospitals still do not fully follow; and expanded health savings accounts so families can shop for care with their own money.

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Energy and electricity: Energy is the master price. When it moves, everything moves, and this spring's conflict in the Middle East sent Houston gasoline prices up 58 percent between January and mid-April.1818Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Houston Economic Indicators (February 2026 edition, published April 27, 2026): "gasoline prices in Houston have increased 58 percent from January through mid-April." Houston is the one city in America that can do something about that, and Alexander's energy agenda (Priority 01) is also his affordability agenda: faster permits for pipelines, export terminals, and power plants, and an end to the regulatory pauses that leave American supply on the sidelines while prices spike. The next front is the power bill. ERCOT is fielding 474 gigawatts of new connection requests, more than five times the grid's peak demand, and 90 percent of them are data centers.1919Office of the Governor of Texas data, as reported by KLTV/KTRE (August 10, 2026): ERCOT tracking 474 gigawatts of connection requests, 90 percent data centers. Texas S.B. 6, 89th Legislature (2025): large-load interconnection, cost-alloc… Texas has already moved to make those large loads pay their own way and accept curtailment in emergencies. Alexander will push federal regulators to apply the same principle to interstate transmission and interconnection rules, streamline licensing for new natural gas and nuclear generation, and make sure the AI buildout that Houston can power does not land on the monthly bills of the families who live here.

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Wages: Cost of living is a ratio, and the denominator is a paycheck. Houston's oil and gas sector shed 5,000 jobs over the past year even as prices rose, and most of the metro's recent hiring has come in lower-wage sectors.2020Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Houston Economic Indicators (February 2026 edition): oil and gas employment down 6.7 percent year over year (−5,000 jobs); growth concentrated in education and health services, leisure and hospitality, and… The federal government cannot set Houston's wages, but it can stop suppressing them. Permitting reform puts high-wage construction and energy jobs back on the calendar. Health-cost reform returns compensation to cash. And the small-business provisions of the 2025 tax law, which Alexander supports keeping intact, let the employers who create most of Houston's jobs keep hiring.

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Alexander will not promise that a single vote in Congress lowers the price of eggs. No honest candidate can. What he will promise is that every vote he casts will be measured against one question: does this make it cheaper to build, insure, heal, and power a life in Houston? Washington has spent five years making the answer no. TX-07 deserves a representative who will spend the next two making it yes.

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Kinder Institute for Urban Research, Rice University, The 45th Kinder Houston Area Survey (April 27, 2026): economy named the region's "biggest problem"; job optimism at its lowest since the 1980s. Rice News (July 6, 2026), reporting on the same ~8,800-respondent survey: more than half of respondents worried they will have to move within the year because of affordability. https://kinder.rice.edu/research/kinder-houston-area-survey-2026-results; https://news.rice.edu/news/2026/building-upon-traditional-methods-kinder-institute-survey-sheds-new-light-regions↩

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How a drug that really costs $90 gets billed at $300. Follow one prescription. A manufacturer sets a list price of $300 a month. A patient who has not met the deductible fills it in January and pays roughly $300 at the counter. Months later, the manufacturer sends the pharmacy benefit manager, the middleman that decides which drugs a plan covers, a rebate of about $210 on that prescription, because the drug sits on the plan's preferred list. The drug's real price, list minus rebate, turns out to be about $90. The $210 never returns to the patient who paid $300; it goes into the plan's general fund, and historically part of it stayed with the middleman. And because the patient paid the whole $300 inside the deductible, the plan collected a $210 rebate on a prescription it paid nothing for.66Rebate mechanics: FTC, Pharmacy Benefit Managers: The Powerful Middlemen Inflating Drug Costs and Squeezing Main Street Pharmacies (interim staff report, July 9, 2024). U.S. Senate Committee on Finance, Insulin: Examining the Factors Dri… Manufacturers learned the lesson quickly: raise the list price to fund a bigger rebate, keep the preferred spot, and let the uninsured and the insured-in-their-deductible pay the sticker. The three largest benefit managers handle nearly 80 percent of the roughly 6.6 billion prescriptions Americans fill each year, each is owned by an insurer, and federal investigators found that they marked up specialty generic drugs dispensed at their own pharmacies by hundreds, sometimes thousands, of percent, collecting $7.3 billion above acquisition cost between 2017 and 2022.77FTC interim staff report (July 2024): the three largest PBMs processed nearly 80 percent of the approximately 6.6 billion prescriptions dispensed by U.S. pharmacies in 2023; each is vertically integrated with a major insurer; affiliated …

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Alexander's plan follows from the diagnosis.

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Second, pay for what the work actually takes. Medicare's physician prices should rest on actual time-stamped data from operating rooms and electronic records, independent economists, and transparent review, not on the estimates of the people being paid. Alexander will also push site-neutral payment, so Medicare pays the same price for the same service whether it is delivered in a doctor's office or a hospital-owned clinic across the parking lot. Independent estimates put the federal savings around $150 billion over a decade, with another $137 billion for beneficiaries in lower premiums and cost-sharing, and the idea has been recommended by Medicare's own advisory commission and proposed by presidents of both parties.1515Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, Health Savers Initiative, Equalizing Medicare Payments Regardless of Site-of-Care (February 23, 2021): an estimated $153 billion in net Medicare savings over a decade, plus $137 billion in bene…

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Third, break the middlemen, all the way down the chain. In February, Congress finally enacted bipartisan reform of pharmacy benefit managers as part of the annual funding law. In Medicare's drug program, benefit managers may now be paid only a flat, fair-market fee for work actually performed, ending compensation tied to a drug's list price. For employer and union plans, they must pass through 100 percent of rebates, discounts, and fees to the plan that pays for coverage and file standardized reports so employers can audit them, and the law defines "benefit manager" broadly enough to reach the rebate aggregators and purchasing groups through which margin had been routed.1616Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2026, H.R. 7148, Pub. L. 119-75 (signed February 3, 2026): Medicare Part D delinking (bona fide service fees only); 100 percent pass-through and standardized reporting for group health plans; broadened PB… Those rules do not take effect until 2028 and 2029. Alexander will fight to see them implemented on schedule, and to extend the same discipline to every link: public justification for list-price increases above a threshold; disclosure of wholesaler fees; a ban on "spread pricing," where a middleman charges the plan $100 for a generic and pays the pharmacy $20, in every market rather than only Medicaid; cost-sharing calculated on the real net price at the pharmacy counter, which is the provision a patient would feel; and reporting by the hospitals that profit from the 340B drug-discount program so its benefits reach patients rather than margins.1717Models for the extension: the FTC interim reports (sources 6–7); the 340B reporting provisions of H.R. 5378 (118th Congress); and existing state spread-pricing bans. Specific bill vehicles to be pinned when legislation is drafted. He will support antitrust scrutiny of hospital mergers that turn regional health systems into local monopolies.

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Fourth, give the power back to patients. There is a model already working across Houston called Direct Primary Care. You pay your doctor a flat monthly fee, directly, with no insurer in the middle. The practice carries a few hundred patients instead of a few thousand. When you are sick, you call, they answer, you are seen that day. Pair that with a lean catastrophic plan for real emergencies, and the whole arrangement costs a fraction of traditional coverage. Last year's tax law took the first step: as of January 1, Direct Primary Care memberships up to $150 a month can be paid from a health savings account without costing you HSA eligibility, and bronze and catastrophic plans are HSA-compatible for the first time.1818One Big Beautiful Bill Act, Pub. L. 119-21 (July 4, 2025), Secs. 71306–71308, with IRS guidance in Notice 2026-05: telehealth safe harbor made permanent; direct primary care arrangements up to $150 per month for an individual ($300 for m… Alexander will build on it: larger HSA contribution limits, HSAs that can pay a catastrophic premium, and an end to the rules that punish families for choosing a simpler, cheaper way to see a doctor.

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None of this is what usually sells in a campaign. "Free health care for all" fits on a sign; a plan to dismantle the middleman economy does not. But single-payer does not eliminate the middlemen; it consolidates their leverage. When the government is the only buyer, hospitals stop competing for patients and start competing for congressional favor, a game the American Hospital Association is very good at, and the three drug-benefit giants become federally sanctioned administrators of the whole system. The answer to high costs is not for the government to pick up more of the tab. It is to fix the market so the tab is lower to begin with.

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S. 2355, Patients Deserve Price Tags Act (119th Congress), advanced by Senate HELP 21–1 on July 22, 2026: CEO/CFO attestation deemed material to federal payment; daily penalties scaled by bed count, escalating after one year; $500,000–$10 million for knowing and willful repeat violations; no HHS waiver; estimator tools no longer count; all shoppable services by 2027. https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/senate-bill/2355/text; summary: https://www.beckerspayer.com/policy-updates/hospital-price-transparency-bills-advance-in-congress-what-to-know/. H.R. 9393, Lower Costs, More Transparency Act of 2026 (Guthrie/Pallone), approved unanimously by House Energy and Commerce on July 21, 2026; most provisions effective January 1, 2028. https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/9393/text↩

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The first job is to be honest with voters about the math. The Government Accountability Office estimates federal agencies made approximately $162 billion in improper payments in FY 2024 and $186 billion in FY 202544U.S. Government Accountability Office, Improper Payments: Information on Agencies' Fiscal Year 2024 Estimates, GAO-25-107753 (March 11, 2025), reporting $162 billion in improper payments across 68 programs and 16 federal agencies in FY 2… — duplicative programs, fraud, ghost payroll, and waste that modern audit tools could surface in months if Congress demanded it. Alexander supports a DOGE-style deployment of auditing across federal agencies,55The White House, "Establishing and Implementing the President's 'Department of Government Efficiency'" (Executive Order, January 20, 2025), and subsequent executive actions of February 26, 2025, directing federal agencies to review contr… paired with a Texas Sunset Commission-style rolling re-authorization requirement: every federal agency and program should have to justify its existence on a defined cycle or be automatically wound down.66Texas Sunset Advisory Commission, established by the Texas Sunset Act of 1977 — reviews state agencies on a recurring 12-year cycle, with each agency required to justify its continued existence or be automatically abolished unless the Le… This is not ideological. It is basic management. No properly-run public or private company would operate without quarterly cost-per-output reporting and periodic program review. The federal government should not get a pass on the discipline every other well-run organization in the country lives by.

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On taxes and regulation, the path is clearer. Keep marginal rates low, the standard deduction high, and the small-business pass-through provision intact. Cut the regulatory cost of doing business. Lower taxes and lighter regulation are not gifts to the wealthy. They are how middle-class families keep more of what they earn and how the economy grows fast enough to outrun the debt.

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Finally, Alexander will push back on continuing resolutions that lock in bloated baselines. The pattern in Washington — pass a CR at the eleventh hour, lock in last year's spending plus inflation, repeat indefinitely — is a polite way of saying Congress has stopped doing its job.77Congressional Research Service, Continuing Resolutions: Overview of Components and Recent Practices, R42647 — Congress has relied on continuing resolutions to fund some or all federal operations at the start of every fiscal year since FY… The appropriations process exists for a reason. Members are supposed to read the bills, debate the priorities, and vote on the line items. Alexander will be a vote for regular order, for honest budgeting, and for the difficult conversations Washington has been avoiding for years. The debt our generation inherits is not someone else's problem. It is the central economic question of our time — and TX-07 deserves a representative willing to treat it that way.

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The Tenth Amendment is not a historical footnote. It is the operating principle of the American constitutional order: the federal government does what the Constitution assigns to it, and everything else belongs to the states and the people. Education policy, zoning, policing, public health, and the day-to-day management of communities are not federal responsibilities, and they never were. Yet over the last several decades, Washington has steadily expanded its reach into every corner of state and local life — usually through the tool of categorical grant programs that come with strings, mandates, and reporting requirements that turn state agencies into compliance offices for Washington bureaucrats. Alexander believes the federal government has gotten too big, too slow, and too presumptuous, and that the path back to functional governance runs through pushing decisions back to the places closest to the problem. Texas knows TX-07 better than Washington ever will.

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The clearest lever Congress has to do this is block grants. Categorical grants tell states exactly how to spend federal dollars; block grants give states a budget and let them figure out how to deploy it for their own constituents. This is not a new idea,11Bipartisan Policy Center, "U.S. Department of Education 101: What are Block Grants?" (2024) — Chapter 2 of the Education Consolidation and Improvement Act of 1981 (passed as part of the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1981, Public L… and the principle has been bipartisan in moments of seriousness ever since. Alexander will push to apply the block-grant model across the board: in education, in housing, in workforce development, in transportation, and in law enforcement.

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Federal resources should flow flexibly to Harris and Fort Bend counties so that local engineers and local elected officials can design and execute the infrastructure projects that fit Houston's specific geography. What we do not need is Washington dictating bayou-by-bayou design standards from a desk in D.C. The job of Congress is to fund and unblock the work. The job of Houston is to do it.

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Alexander will strengthen Houston's voice in Washington — not Washington's voice in Houston — and trust the people of TX-07 to govern their own communities.