Jeff Wadlin

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I am a Libertarian, but I am not an ideological purist. I believe in personal freedom, personal responsibility, constitutional government, peaceful relations, sound money, and genuinely competitive free markets. Government should perform its legitimate duties well: protect people from violence and fraud, defend individual rights, enforce fair rules, and otherwise leave families and communities room to live their own lives.

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America has a proud history of trust-busting, and we should return to it. Government should enforce antitrust laws, challenge anti-competitive mergers, stop regulatory capture, and use structural remedies when necessary. Corporations and wealthy investors will be fine. Working people, entrepreneurs, innovation, competition, retirement portfolios, and future generations will be better off in a healthier economy.

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Housing also requires more supply. Once inflation is under control, lower interest rates can help unlock the market by allowing homeowners trapped by low existing mortgage rates to move, freeing more starter homes for younger buyers. Federal policy should reduce financing and infrastructure barriers while leaving zoning primarily to state and local governments, encouraging more housing construction.

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Work should pay. I support lower taxes on labor, gradual and predictable minimum-wage increases, stronger pathways into skilled careers, and benefits that phase out without punishing people for earning more. And workers should be free to organize and bargain collectively without retaliation

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My goal is straightforward: cover everyone, which requires cutting the total cost of healthcare roughly in half over time. We will not get there by merely pumping more money into a broken system—shifting bills among taxpayers, employers, and families. We must streamline our fragmented system—private insurance, Medicare, Medicaid, the VA, and countless billing systems—and build a practical public-private partnership. Like regulated utilities or crop insurance, it should combine private delivery and consumer choice with universal access, clear rules, price discipline, and protection against catastrophic costs. But right now, Arkansas cannot wait for that larger reform. Medicaid should enforce eligibility and reasonable work requirements without paperwork traps. Government should verify employment automatically where possible, phase benefits out gradually rather than create benefit cliffs, and guarantee twelve months of postpartum coverage.

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For rural Arkansas, the best model is hub-and-spoke care: telehealth and local clinics for routine treatment, regional hospitals for advanced care, and local emergency facilities capable of stabilizing and transporting patients quickly. Payment rules should recognize the cost of keeping emergency care available around the clock in low-volume communities. Arkansas should expand telehealth, remote monitoring, mobile clinics, emergency transportation, and efforts to recruit and retain rural healthcare workers. We should also demand measurable results from Arkansas’s $200 million rural-health award.

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I oppose broad tariffs that raise the cost of equipment, fertilizer, fuel, and household goods while inviting retaliation against Arkansas rice, soybeans, poultry, cotton, and other exports. Trade policy should open markets, not close them.

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I support strong crop insurance and a durable Farm Bill that gives producers long-term certainty instead of temporary extensions and emergency patches. Assistance may be justified when natural disasters or federal policies cause extraordinary losses, but repeated bailouts are evidence that the underlying system is failing.

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Farmers should have the right to repair the equipment they own. Washington should also confront excessive consolidation among seed, fertilizer, meatpacking, processing, equipment, and distribution companies. Free enterprise cannot function when farmers face only a handful of suppliers and buyers.

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The Farm Bill must also maintain a dependable and accountable nutrition safety net. I support prioritizing nutritious foods rather than using SNAP benefits for soda and candy, along with reasonable work, education, training, or service expectations for able-bodied adults. But those rules should not become paperwork traps for veterans, people experiencing homelessness, or young adults aging out of foster care. Children, seniors, people with disabilities, and families in genuine crisis must remain protected.

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I support a balanced-budget amendment with reasonable emergency provisions and a multiyear transition that avoids sudden, indiscriminate cuts. I also support a statutory debt brake that limits spending growth during normal years and requires genuine plans to repay emergency borrowing.

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The Federal Reserve needs clearer rules and greater accountability. Price stability should be its primary duty, not employment. I support a published rules-based benchmark, tighter limits on extraordinary money creation, and a requirement that the Fed publicly explain major deviations from its stated framework. Monetary policy should not become a permanent rescue system for financial markets or deficit spending.

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Social Security must be protected for current retirees and people approaching retirement. For younger generations, I support gradually adding personally owned investment accounts, beginning with children’s accounts, while maintaining a public backstop. On average, people pay in $400k to get $400k back out. That’s awful. You’d be better off putting your money in a CD. If instead we gave every newborn a $10k loan, invested in a broad index fund like VTI, they’d have nearly $5M at retirement. Over time, this system would build family wealth, and potentially eliminate regressive payroll taxes, which are an undue burden on young people trying to get ahead.

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The transition must be honest, gradual, and fully modeled. There is no responsible reform that ignores existing obligations.

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I would simplify the tax code, eliminate special-interest loopholes, and enforce the law consistently. Success should not be punished, but neither should wealth or political influence buy a lower effective tax rate.

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I support effective border security, faster immigration and asylum decisions, more immigration judges, modern entry-and-exit systems, and reliable workplace verification. People who pose security risks or commit serious crimes should be removed promptly. But enforcement and cruelty are not the same thing. Families should be treated humanely, due process should be respected, and politicians should stop using desperate people as political props. It’s reasonable to expect those here illegally to be escorted home politely, with certain exceptions for people brought here as children. To those shouting “Abolish ICE,” please remember that Obama deported more people in each of his two terms than Trump did during his first term.

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I support an all-of-the-above strategy that allows nuclear power, natural gas, solar, wind, hydroelectric power, geothermal energy, storage, efficiency, and future technologies to compete on performance and cost. Carbon-free energy sources do not necessarily need incentives; having zero marginal cost makes them incredibly competitive.

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We should modernize the electrical grid, speed up reasonable permitting, strengthen domestic energy production, and reduce dangerous dependence on hostile governments for critical energy, minerals and components. And in Arkansas, local communities need to decide what installations they’re comfortable having in their backyards, similar to the situation with data centers.

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Infrastructure spending should be judged by results. Roads, bridges, ports, water systems, broadband, power transmission, and freight networks are essential to growth. Projects should be selected transparently, completed efficiently, and maintained properly—not treated as political trophies. And to raise the local tax revenue for infrastructure investments we need more people and companies moving to Arkansas to increase economic growth, which is a primary focus for me.

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The federal government should focus on areas where it can remove barriers and expand opportunity: supporting students with disabilities, ensuring equal treatment, improving transparency, and making training more portable and affordable.

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We should also reduce unnecessary occupational-licensing barriers that prevent qualified people from working or moving between states.

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I support fair districting, reasonable ballot access for independent and third-party candidates, protection of Arkansas’s citizen-initiative process, and strong open-records laws. Political gerrymandering should end. Congressional districts should keep counties and metropolitan areas together wherever practical, while state districts should preserve towns and neighborhoods. Voters should choose their representatives; politicians should not choose their voters.

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Democracy also works better when voters have more than two meaningful choices. I support ranked-choice voting so Arkansans can vote their conscience without fearing that they are wasting their vote or helping elect the candidate they like least. States and communities should be free to adopt it—not prohibited from trying it. Sadly the super-majority in Arkansas outlawed it last year. This needs to be reversed. As with their constant efforts to suppress ballot access, they’re not interested in Regnat Populus, they just want to maintain unaccountable control.

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Public service should not become lifetime employment. I support reasonable congressional term limits and upper age limits for federal elected office, adopted through a constitutional amendment so the rules are clear and apply equally to everyone.

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I also support unwinding Citizens United and related rulings that allow corporations and extremely wealthy individuals to spend unlimited amounts influencing elections. Freedom of speech must be protected, but concentrated wealth should not purchase disproportionate political access and influence. We need transparent, real-time disclosure of major political spending, meaningful rules against coordination, and reforms that amplify ordinary citizens and small donors.

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I will accept lawful election results, defend peaceful transfers of power, and protect freedom of speech, a free press, peaceful assembly, and lawful dissent. I oppose government censorship, political retaliation, mass surveillance, and military intimidation of the American people.

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Congress must also reclaim the responsibilities it has surrendered to presidents of both parties. Senators should legislate, oversee the executive branch, control spending and war powers, and defend the Constitution—not simply approve whatever a president from their party demands.

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I support the core goal of the SAVE Act: ensuring that only American citizens register and vote in federal elections. Secure elections strengthen public confidence and protect every lawful vote. But election security and maximum participation are not opposing goals. Any new citizenship-documentation requirement must be implemented carefully, with adequate time, funding, and practical assistance for local election officials and individual voters.

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The federal government should help states verify existing records, provide required documents without charge, accept reasonable alternative evidence, and give voters notice and time to correct discrepancies. No eligible citizen should lose the right to vote because of a clerical error or an unrealistic deadline.

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Major election reforms can be phased in responsibly. The Help America Vote Act was enacted in 2002, with key voting-system requirements taking effect in 2006. The SAVE Act should likewise allow sufficient time—potentially more than one election cycle—for election offices and citizens to adapt.

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I also support making Election Day a national holiday. Voting should be secure, accessible, and celebrated as a shared civic responsibility.

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Flock cameras and other license-plate readers can help investigate specific crimes, but they should not create permanent movement histories of innocent people. Searches should require a documented investigative purpose, retention periods should be short, data sharing should be limited, and every search should be logged and reviewable.

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My first economic priority is affordability. We should eliminate broad tariffs that raise the price of food, equipment, vehicles, building materials, and household goods—and end wars of aggression that waste lives, fuel debt, and drive up energy and supply costs. Arkansans should not pay more because Washington chooses protectionism, foreign entanglements, or reckless spending.

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Healthcare should serve patients—not insurers, monopolies, political parties, or armies of billing administrators.

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Benefits should phase out gradually as earnings rise so that taking on more work never leaves a family worse off. States may reasonably take greater responsibility for SNAP, but funding and tax authority should move with that responsibility.

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The federal government cannot continue borrowing trillions of dollars, inflating the currency, and leaving the bill to our children.

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Fiscal discipline should begin with the largest cost systems, including healthcare, defense procurement, interest expense, corporate subsidies, and duplicative federal programs. It should not begin by breaking promises to current retirees or cutting small programs simply because they are politically easy targets.

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Taxes should be simple, transparent, and fair. I support a progressive tax system in which those with greater wealth contribute more, while working families are not disproportionately burdened by regressive taxes on wages and basic necessities.

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Government should also collect and spend money as close to the people as practical. Dollars raised locally or by the states are more accountable than money sent to Washington and later fought over through grants, formulas, and political favors.

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Before raising taxes, government must control wasteful spending. Before cutting taxes, it must identify corresponding spending cuts and balance the budget. Tax cuts financed with borrowed money are not really tax cuts—they are deferred taxes passed to our children.

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A sovereign nation must control its borders, know who is entering, and enforce its laws.

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Undocumented immigrants are often exploited. They’re exploited by their employers with long hours, low wages and few benefits. They’re also exploited by our government, which taxes their pay with few benefits in return. These are reasons legal immigration is important. We should also hold companies accountable for employing undocumented immigrants. Management should face monetary and criminal consequences.

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Climate change is real, human activity contributes to it, and it’s affecting all of us, especially farmers. But Washington should not use that fact as an excuse to micromanage the economy, punish working families, or pick politically favored technologies. We don’t need red or blue political parties switching who wins and who loses as administrations change hands.

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Homeowners and businesses should be able to generate their own power and receive fair value for energy they place onto the grid, while also paying a reasonable share of the infrastructure they use.

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Education is primarily a state, local, and family responsibility. Washington should not impose a national culture war or a one-size-fits-all curriculum.

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College should not be treated as the only respectable path. Arkansas needs electricians, welders, mechanics, nurses, technicians, builders, programmers, machinists, and entrepreneurs.

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Federal aid should work better for apprenticeships, technical education, industry credentials, and shorter programs that lead directly to employment.

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Students should receive clear information about graduation rates, employment outcomes, expected debt, and likely earnings before borrowing. Colleges that encourage excessive debt for low-value programs should bear some responsibility for the results.

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Voters deserve meaningful choices, transparent government, and representatives who answer to the public—not party bosses, presidents, major donors, or national political machines.

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An Arkansas senator should be Arkansas’s voice in Washington—not Washington’s party enforcer in Arkansas.

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Only eligible citizens should vote—and every eligible citizen should be able to.

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A rushed rollout could prevent far more eligible citizens from voting than it stops unlawful votes. Married women whose current names differ from their birth certificates could face particular difficulties, along with older voters, naturalized citizens, rural residents, and people who cannot easily locate or replace documents. The promise of the 19th Amendment should not be weakened by paperwork resulting from marriage and a lawful name change.

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The Fourth Amendment does not disappear because our lives have moved online. Government should not search Americans’ communications, movements, homes, devices, financial records, or personal data without probable cause and a specific warrant, except in narrowly defined emergencies.

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Foreign intelligence is necessary, but it cannot become a back door for domestic spying. FISA Section 702 should include a warrant requirement before agencies search for Americans’ communications, along with strict deletion rules, complete audit trails, notice when information is used in court, and meaningful penalties for deliberate abuse.

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Government should not evade the Constitution by buying location, browsing, or app data from commercial brokers that it would otherwise need a warrant to obtain.

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The home deserves the strongest protection. Warrantless entry should be limited to genuine emergencies, and no-knock warrants should be rare, based on specific evidence of immediate danger, judicially approved, recorded, and reviewed afterward.

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Civil liberties are not partisan. “National security” is not a magic phrase that erases the Bill of Rights. The government should protect the country, obtain a warrant, and leave innocent people alone.

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The right to keep and bear arms is an individual constitutional right, and I will defend it.

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Semi-automatic firearms are among the most commonly owned guns in America. They are legal and should remain legal. Law-abiding adults should not be treated like criminals because of the type of firearm they own or because they choose to carry one for self-defense.

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Government should focus its attention where it belongs: violent offenders, illegal gun trafficking, credible threats, domestic abusers, and people who use firearms to harm others. Any restriction involving an individual’s rights must include strong due-process protections, prompt judicial review, and a meaningful opportunity to challenge the government’s evidence.

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I support responsible ownership, secure storage around children, effective school security, and better intervention when someone presents a genuine danger. But I reject vague bans, arbitrary feature-based classifications, and laws that burden ordinary citizens while criminals ignore them.

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Dangerous offenders should be held accountable, and law-enforcement officers should have the training, tools, staffing, and community support necessary to keep people safe. At the same time, justice requires constitutional policing, due process, equal treatment, proportional punishment, and accountability when government abuses its authority.

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I support ending civil asset forfeiture when no one has been convicted of a crime. Government should not be able to seize a person’s cash, vehicle, or property and force the owner to prove innocence to get it back.

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We should distinguish violent predators from people struggling with addiction, mental illness, or nonviolent offenses. Treatment, recovery programs, and problem-solving courts can protect the public better—and often cost less—than endlessly cycling people through jails.

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People who complete their sentences should have a genuine path back into society through employment, housing, education, and restored civic participation. Public safety improves when people have both a reason and an opportunity to rebuild their lives.

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Adults should not be sent to jail for growing or using cannabis or other low-risk natural substances in private. Personal possession should generally be decriminalized, and lawful adult use should be regulated for purity, labeling, and age—much like alcohol. But legalization does not mean giving corporations a license to manufacture addiction. Companies should not be allowed to engineer ever-more-potent products, disguise them as candy, use cartoon packaging, target young people, or conceal known health risks. Freedom belongs to individuals, not corporations seeking profit by creating dependency.

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Dangerous synthetic drugs such as illicit fentanyl are different. Selling counterfeit pills, trafficking lethal substances, or knowingly distributing drugs likely to kill should be prosecuted aggressively. Law enforcement should focus less on users and low-level possession and more on the dealers, distributors, money networks, precursor suppliers, and cartels moving poison into Arkansas communities.

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The United States should work with Mexico and other countries to disrupt production and trafficking before these drugs reach our border. That means intelligence sharing, financial sanctions, stronger inspections, pressure on corrupt officials, and cooperation against organized crime—not slogans alone.

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Addiction should be treated as a serious health problem. We need accessible treatment, recovery programs, mental-health care, and overdose prevention, while maintaining firm consequences for people who profit from death and exploitation.

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Our prisons should not be crowded with people serving long sentences for possession while executives and powerful institutions that fueled the opioid crisis escape meaningful accountability. A just system should distinguish between adults making personal choices, people struggling with addiction, and those who deliberately victimize others for profit.

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We should engage abroad only when there is a clear American strategic or economic interest, strengthen reliable allies, open markets for Arkansas farmers and businesses, and avoid conflicts that do not make us safer or more prosperous.

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I support helping Ukraine defend its sovereignty, with clear objectives, accountability, allied burden-sharing, and a realistic path toward peace. Russia should not be rewarded for invading a neighboring country, but American support should not become an undefined commitment without limits or strategy.

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I oppose wars of aggression and open-ended military action that Congress has not authorized. Iran must not acquire a nuclear weapon, but war should be the last resort. The JCPOA placed meaningful limits and inspections on Iran’s nuclear program before the United States abandoned it. Tom Cotton helped lead the campaign against that agreement and strongly supported scrapping it. We should exhaust diplomacy, inspections, targeted sanctions, and coalition pressure before risking another costly war.

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Foreign aid and military assistance should serve defined American interests, not ideology or permanent dependency. Wealthy allies should contribute more to their own defense, and assistance should use loans, cost-sharing, reimbursement, and arms purchases rather than blank checks funded entirely by American taxpayers.

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America should be strong enough to deter war, disciplined enough to avoid unnecessary war, and confident enough to lead through trade, diplomacy, and example. Our foreign policy should protect Americans, strengthen alliances, open markets for Arkansas farmers and businesses, defend freedom of navigation, and preserve peace without making the United States the world’s policeman.

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National defense is one of the federal government’s clearest constitutional responsibilities. I support a military strong enough to deter attacks, defend our country and allies, and win when force is truly necessary. But strength is not measured by how much Washington spends. We should reduce unnecessary overseas bases, reject preventive wars, restore Congress’s constitutional war powers, and demand far more capability for every defense dollar.

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Modern warfare is changing quickly. Low-cost drones, cyber tools, and precision weapons can threaten systems costing millions or billions. Our military should prioritize rapid innovation, modular designs, open competition, affordable production, and the industrial capacity to surge in a crisis. I want a stronger military—not simply a more expensive one.

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I would also explore a voluntary National Guard Community Reserve: a modern, lawful version of the Minutemen, organized under official Guard authority. Volunteers could train locally and online in disaster response, first aid, logistics, communications, cyber defense, drone operations, and other support roles. Modern simulators could make training more accessible and affordable. The goal is to strengthen our communities — bringing Americans of different backgrounds together in service, building local bonds, improving emergency readiness, and expanding our defensive capacity at far lower cost.

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The nation has a binding obligation to the people who served in uniform. Veterans should receive timely healthcare, disability decisions, mental-health care, housing assistance, and transition support without navigating years of bureaucracy.

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The Department of Veterans Affairs should be held accountable for delays and failures while preserving the specialized expertise veterans need. Veterans should also have more freedom to receive care outside the VA when the system cannot provide timely or appropriate treatment.

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Transition programs should connect veterans with employers, apprenticeships, education, licensing, and entrepreneurship. Military training and experience should translate more easily into civilian credentials. We must also treat suicide prevention, traumatic brain injury, addiction, and post-traumatic stress as urgent health concerns rather than personal weakness.

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If you are not harming another person physically or financially, the government should generally leave you alone.

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That means protecting privacy, property rights, due process, freedom of conscience, freedom of speech, and the right to bear arms. It means letting consenting adults live as they choose. It also means recognizing that freedom carries responsibility and ends where another person’s rights begin. All Americans deserve equal treatment under the law. Religious Americans deserve freedom of belief and worship. Government should not discriminate against people because of who they are or how they live, and it should not force people to abandon sincerely held beliefs.

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Difficult questions involving minors, schools, privacy, and medical care require parental involvement, evidence, fairness, and humility—and local decision making, not national political theater. Parents should have primary responsibility for raising their children, and schools should be transparent with families and focused on education rather than political activism from either side. Let’s focus on the three R’s and let kids be kids.

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Abortion is one of America’s most difficult and divisive issues. Decent people can hold deeply felt views on both sides without hating one another. After the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision, abortion policy is governed primarily by the states, and I do not intend to make it the centerpiece of my campaign for federal office. I respect voters for whom abortion is a decisive issue. But no political party should own your vote and receive a blank check on war, debt, surveillance, healthcare, corruption, and the economy because of a single issue. My focus is on improving life for all Arkansans while treating people who disagree with dignity.

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The deeply personal choices people make for themselves and their families should not be raw material for politicians seeking applause. Let’s not let the parties divide us over culture war issues. Let’s love our neighbors regardless, and unite around our shared economic interests.

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Schools should be places for learning, attention, and face-to-face relationships. I support phone-free school policies, with reasonable exceptions for medical needs, disabilities, and genuine emergencies. But I do not support broad federal app bans or systems that require every American to upload identification or a facial scan simply to use ordinary internet services. Protecting children should not become a backdoor for tracking adults, linking identities to browsing activity, or creating databases vulnerable to abuse or data breaches.

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A better approach begins with families. When parents add a child to a wireless plan or family account, carriers and phone companies should make it simple to establish a protected child profile. Parents should be able to manage apps, purchases, contacts, screen time, and different settings for school, bedtime, travel, emergencies, or time with another parent—all remotely from their own phones.

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Families should also be able to choose optional, one-touch settings developed by pediatricians, educators, faith communities, or other trusted organizations, then customize them for their own needs.

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Where age assurance is genuinely necessary, websites should receive only a privacy-protecting credential confirming the relevant age range—not a person’s name, birthdate, government ID, facial scan, or browsing history. Apple’s Declared Age Range API offers one possible model by allowing an app to confirm an age range without receiving an exact birthdate. Any such system should be designed so neither the government nor the credential issuer can track where it is used.

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Smartphones can be useful tools, but children should not be left alone against products designed to capture their attention. Schools should protect the classroom, technology companies should provide better tools, and families—not Washington—should remain in control.

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Data centers are primarily a state and local issue, but the guiding principle should be clear: local communities must decide whether they want them and under what conditions.

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Data centers should pay the full cost of the electricity, transmission, substations, roads, water, and other infrastructure they require. Those costs should not be shifted onto existing ratepayers or taxpayers. Cooling systems should use closed-loop or reclaimed-water systems and not strain municipal water supplies.

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Some communities will welcome the jobs, investment, and tax revenue. Others may object to their size, appearance, noise, heat, lighting, land use, or demands on local infrastructure. Both choices are legitimate.

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The decision should be made locally, transparently, and without forcing neighboring residents to subsidize the project.

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I will support good ideas regardless of which party proposes them, oppose bad ideas regardless of who demands loyalty, and explain my reasoning honestly.

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I believe government should leave you alone unless you’re harming someone else — physically or financially. I believe every working family deserves a fair shot at a good life. And I believe Washington needs more adults in the room: more builders, more problem-solvers, and fewer politicians who profit from keeping us divided.